Economatix - Life through the lens of the Capital Markets

From the monthly archives:

March 2008

The Euro as a global currency? Why not!

by dionysus on 2008/03/24

We know the credit crisis is a clear and present threat to the global economy. But its most important long term legacy may not be economic, but geopolitical.

I was reminded of that possibility when reading a recent trenchant analysis by Professors Menzie Chinn at the University of Wisconsin and Jeffrey Frankel of Harvard. They ran a simulation showing that the euro would replace the dollar as the world’s largest reserve currency within the next 10 or 15 years. Their analysis is not based on this crisis. But this crisis could easily accelerate the trends they have identified.

Don’t dismiss this research as some anti-dollar propaganda. Professors Chinn and Frankel actually started with the opposite notion – that the euro would not overtake the dollar for a long time. After all, the world doesn’t change reserve currencies very often.

Sterling held pole position until the second world war, but lost it because of the UK’s imperial overreach. The US economy had already overtaken that of the UK in the 1870s. One of the factors that delayed the dollar’s rise was lack of a sophisticated financial sector, which did not develop until the establishment of the Federal Reserve System in 1913. Global reserve currency status is due to many factors such as the size of the economy, the country’s share in international trade and the depth of the financial markets. Inertia is another. If yours is a global reserve currency today, it is likely to be one tomorrow too. But this works only up to a point – a tipping point.

Professors Chinn and Frankel state two underlying reasons for the decline in the international role of the US dollar. The first is persistent current account deficits combined with a long-term decline in the dollar’s exchange rate – and perhaps imperial overreach, too. The second is the emergence of a genuine alternative to the dollar. Neither the yen nor the D-Mark never had a realistic chance of replacing the dollar. But the euro is a real alternative. The eurozone economy is almost as large as that of the US, and realistically may surpass it as it continues to enlarge. London is the eurozone’s de facto financial center, despite the fact that the UK itself has not adopted the euro. Also, the eurozone bond markets are now almost as deep and liquid as their US counterparts. As of this past week, arguably more so – even if that differential is a fleeting phenomenon.

The projected speed at which the dollar will lose its predominant position as a global reserve currency obviously depends on prevailing assumptions. The work of Professors Chinn and Frankel shows that this could happen shockingly fast. Some of those trends are accelerating right now. The (previously) reckless monetary policy of the Federal Reserve has accelerated the dollar’s decline and caused a rise in inflationary expectations. It could be reasonable to expect US inflation to pick up significantly once the present recession ends. Future inflation will weigh heavily on the global role of the US dollar.

An immediate consequence of high inflation is that many developing countries will find it harder to maintain their dollar pegs. They may be reluctant to drop them now but there will come a point when the rise in inflationary pressures becomes unbearable. If and when they drop their pegs, they will almost certainly rebalance their reserve portfolios as well.

Another factor that pushes in the same direction is the weakening of the US financial sector in general. This has been a crisis of Anglo Saxon transaction based capitalism. Not so long ago, it was considered to be vastly superior to the eurozone’s “old fashioned” relationship finance. I have some doubt that, in a few years’ time, people will continue to assess the relative strengths of the Anglo Saxon and continental European financial systems in quite the same way. I would also expect the eurozone economy to withstand the economic shocks of the credit crisis in relatively better shape.

Inertia means that the euro will not overtake the dollar any time soon. At present the euro only accounts for a little over a quarter of world reserves according to a survey conducted by the International Monetary Fund, against the dollar’s share of two-thirds. But to keep the euro down forever, you would need to rely on some rather far-fetched conspiracy theories. One such theory says that foreign central banks collude to hang on to dollars to protect the value of their holdings. It just doesn’t work that way. The network externalities that have favored the dollar in the past could just as easily favor the euro in the future.

The potential geopolitical implications of such a projected shift are immense. For a start, the US will lose its exorbitant privilege – the ability to achieve permanently higher returns on foreign assets than the returns paid to foreign investors who take positions in the US. The dollar will suddenly cease to be “our currency, and your problem”. Influence in international financial institutions will wane. Losing the dollar as the world’s leading international currency not only leads to a loss of political power. It constitutes loss of aggregate power. That in turn profoundly changes the dynamics of global actors on the international relations stage.

There is little politicians can do to prevent such a seismic shift. I suspect the US political establishment is not yet aware of what is going to hit it. Then again, the same can be said of European political leaders, who have not given any hint yet that they are ready to deal with the responsibilities that come with running the world’s leading currency. There however, is a train of thought for another day, and another article.

  • Share/Bookmark

Be the first to comment

An urgent appeal to my readers

by dionysus on 2008/03/22

Dear Readers,

Under anything which would be considered “normal” circumstances I would not ask any of you to engage in social activism. However, I bring a compelling case for action before you today. It may already be too late, we don’t know that, but any action you take now could make the difference between an unimaginable tragedy, which this already is, and an absolute travesty of moral injustice.

As reported by CBS, Glenn Sacks, and others

“(CBS) Ten-year-old Jayci Yaeger is dying of brain cancer, and has one final wish — to have her father spend some time at her bedside before she dies.

She’s in a Lincoln, Neb. hospice.

However, her father, Jason Yaeger, is in a federal minimum security prison in South Dakota, serving five-and-a-half years for a drug conviction. He has less than a year left in his sentence, and is set to be released to a halfway house in four months.

Jason and the Yaeger family have appealed many times to the warden for a 30-day supervised release, which could be allowed under “extraordinary circumstances.” However, the family says these appeals have been denied, and the prison tells them the circumstances are not “extraordinary.”

“She’s very scared,” Jayci’s mother, Vonda Yaeger says, “and I think she’s holding on for her father. She didn’t do anything wrong. He was there for her when she was born. He should be there for her when she goes.”

I am not commenting on the transgressions of the father of this little girl, nor am I remarking on the futility of incarcerating those addicted to narcotics. These are issues best discussed on another day, and in another forum. This post is an open appeal to my readership to write to officials in South Dakota to show some human compassion in this matter, and permit this inmate to spend time with his daughter before she dies. If these are not “extraordinary circumstances” then I cannot imagine what circumstances could be described in as extraordinary in the prison system vernacular. Below you will find contact details and – should you so wish – an excerpt of the fax I sent this morning, if you would like to use my text as a template. A fax is almost certainly the best way to make a visible (and audible) impact. State Government still treats faxes with a slightly greater priority than email
Gov. Mike Rounds. Linda Asher / public relations – Yankton FPC Phone: 605-665-3262 Fax: 605-668-1113

email address: yan/execassistant@bop.gov

——————–

“Regarding “A Dying Wish,” Lincoln Nebraska:

http://www.kolnkgin.com/home/headlines/16762906.html

Please permit inmate Jason Yaeger in prison in Yankton, South Dakota visit his dying daughter – 10-year-old Jayci Yaeger.

What better rehabilitation could there be for this Father, than to be with his daughter in her final days and hours on this earth?

What better love could one find, than in those precious last moments together?

What better motivation, or lesson on “the value of a human life” could one find, than in the spirit of a little child who now passes all her hopes and dreams on to those she’s closest to and tells them; “Live well for me?”

What better message can “law and order” advocates send about the redemptive power of justice, than to say, “Let this little girl and her Dad spend a few last minutes on earth together?”

Clearly, inmate Yaeger presents the minimum risk to society, given that he is currently incarcerated in a minimum security facility, and has almost completed his sentence anyway.

Governor, to grant this request is a merciful and compassionate act. To deny or ignore it as a moral injustice, and the result will be on your conscience for the rest of your life.

I implore you to take this action, in the name of humanity, decency and moral justice.

Respectfully yours,

——————–

This is now in your hands. Each of you can make a decision to help in an attempt to make this possible. If you do choose to communicate with the Governor of South Dakota, please do it quickly, we cannot know how long this little girl may live. Please pass this matter on to friends and colleagues, the greater the flood of faxes and emails, the greater the probability that the Governor may actually do something. This is the right thing to do, I ask all of you for your help. This is not about “the sins of the fathers” it’s about one sick scared little girl who needs to see her Dad one last time.

I will do my best to keep you updated on the facts of this case as matters unfold.

Update 2008.03.27:

It may not be what we all hoped for, but against all odds, the warden of the prison in which Jason Yaeger is currently incarcerated permitted inmate Yaeger a further visit with Jayci. Reported here. Whether because of large public outcry, the power of prayer, say what you will. He was able to spend a few hours with his daughter, and although she was unconscious, medical staff observed a distinct change in her breathing pattern while her Father was there, from which it can be assumed, that on some level, she was aware of his presence.

Update & Conclusion 2008.03.28:

Jayci Yaeger died early this morning in the hospital. She fought hard and hung in there until her Dad was able to see her, and then let go. There are no words that can adequately express feelings that go through the mind at a time like this.

  • Share/Bookmark

Be the first to comment

obscure software installation

by dionysus on 2008/03/19

21:14:46 <@dignus> I have a bit more experience of the “let’s try the ukranian version of the japanese port of this alpha version of this sparc webserver, built on a mips cpu, using the namibian halal-proof gcc compiler”

  • Share/Bookmark

Be the first to comment

Socrates and heresay

by dionysus on 2008/03/19

Gentle Readers,

I have been quietly informed by several sources – who shall remain unnamed – (but you know who you are!) that content of late has been too serious, and that a change of pace is urgently required. Very well then. You ask, we deliver;

In ancient Greece (469-399 BC), Socrates was widely lauded for his wisdom. One day the great philosopher came upon an acquaintance, who ran up to him excitedly and said, “Socrates, do you know what I just heard about one of your students…?”

“Wait a moment,” Socrates replied. “Before you tell me, I’d like you to pass a little test. It’s called the Test of Three.”

“Test of Three?”

“That’s correct,” Socrates continued. “Before you talk to me about my student let’s take a moment to test what you’re going to say. The first test is Truth. Have you made absolutely sure that what you are about to tell me is true?”

“No,” the man replied, “actually I just heard about it.”

“All right,” said Socrates. “So you don’t really know if it’s true or not. Now let’s try the second test, the test of Goodness. Is what you are about to tell me about my student something good?”

“No, on the contrary it’s…”

So,” Socrates continued, “you want to tell me something bad about him even though you’re not certain it’s true?”

The man shrugged, a little embarrassed.

Socrates continued, “You may still pass though because there is a third test — the Filter of Usefulness. Is what you want to tell me about my student going to be useful to me?”

“Err..no, not really..”

“Well,” concluded Socrates, “if what you want to tell me is neither true nor good, nor even useful, why tell it to me at all?”

Defeated and ashamed the man said no more. This is the reason Socrates was a great philosopher and held in such high esteem.

It also explains why Socrates never found out that Plato was banging his wife.

As  Publius Servilius Vatia Isauricus said, almost 300 years later;

“cave quid dicis, quando, et cui”

  • Share/Bookmark

Be the first to comment

And now, some medicine for a sick patient

by dionysus on 2008/03/13

Sometimes, dear readers, your intrepid analyst actually gets it right. This time, candor requires me to admit that I surprised even myself.

Yesterday in my piece entitled “Why good news sometimes isn’t” I discussed the issuance by the Federal Reserve – and partner institutions – of some $200 billion of liquidity into the markets, in order to partially stabilize some aspects of the current credit crisis. Towards the end of the article I posed what I thought were the leading questions that still remain to be answered, looking towards the future of the US and global financial system, and to avoid a recurrence of the illiquid state of many investment banks and hedge funds that exist today.

To recap somewhat; it is clear that standards of risk assessment and valuation have been allowed to fall by the wayside in recent years. This eventually has repercussions, and in part those repercussions are what the world is experiencing now as the cascade effect of illiquid holdings at unknown values causes balance sheet fatalities , and capital becomes unobtainable owing to the unknown value of pledged collateral.

Today, Treasury Secretary Henry M. Paulson delivered prepared remarks in a speech at the National Press Club in Washington as the leader of the President’s Working Group on Financial Markets (PWG) which addressed the entire spectrum of this crisis in a characteristically thoughtful and direct manner. The policy makers’ recommendations extend to nearly every niche in the credit markets – from mortgage brokers to the Wall Street firms that package home loans into securities, to the credit-rating firms that assess the risk of those securities, to the regulators who police the system. In doing so, he addressed each and every one of the (largely hypothetical) questions I posed in yesterday’s article. (To read the entire text of his remarks, go here)

To put todays’ remarks in the proper context of my article yesterday, I need to quote myself;

“Part of the problem lays in the fact that innovative and largely untested financial instruments routinely used in the markets today are far too complex, few people – regulators and investors alike – really understand these concepts, and misunderstood statements of risk exposure create ill judged investment decisions. Assumptions are made concerning liquidity and collateral value. In short, risk is not graded in a linear fashion, because there is little basis on which to value these investment vehicles.”

Today, Secretary Paulson weighed in on just this issue;

“Innovation is a hallmark of our capital markets. Securitization of credit is one example of an innovation that has made more, more flexible and lower-cost capital available to consumers and companies, and stimulated competition.

Financial innovation has brought these and other benefits. Financial innovation has also brought, inevitably, the challenge of complexity. In my judgment, some financial products have become overly complex. Excessive complexity is the enemy of transparency and market efficiency. Investor sentiment has swung hard to risk aversion, and now markets are punishing not only complex, but non-complex products as well.

Complexity is one of the many excesses that exacerbated the current market turmoil – turmoil that was triggered by the dramatic weakening of underwriting standards for U.S. subprime mortgages. Weaker subprime credit standards were part of a much broader erosion of standards throughout corporate and consumer credit markets. We have had a number of years of benign economic financial conditions and abundant liquidity; investors reached ever further for yield, and market participants and regulators became complacent about all types [sic] risks”

A short time later, he all but answered my key questions from yesterday, and added some other significant policy objectives:

We must have better policies, processes and mechanisms to understand and manage complexity, to discourage its excess, and to better understand and manage risk. Hopefully, the PWG policy recommendations will make progress in doing just that. Our recommendations have six key objectives:

  • One, stronger transparency and disclosure. The challenges of complexity were exacerbated by opacity. The best antidote to opacity is transparency and disclosure.
  • Two, stronger risk awareness. Regulators and all market participants must be more aware of and better able to respond to risks. Credit rating agency practices must improve, and the users of their services must rely less on, and appreciate more the limitations of, ratings products.
  • Three, stronger risk management. We need improved risk management practices by investors, issuers, financial institutions, rating agencies, and regulators alike. Risk management is everyone’s business.
  • Four, stronger capital management. Well-capitalized institutions are better prepared to deal with challenges, foster economic growth and enhance market confidence.
  • Five, stronger regulatory policies. Regulatory policies, including capital requirements, must address risk management weaknesses and improve the safety and soundness of our institutions and financial system.
  • Six, stronger market infrastructure. Perhaps the best example of innovation is the over-the-counter (OTC) derivatives markets. These markets have grown tremendously; but the infrastructure has not kept up – and it must.

We applaud the PWG for its astringent assessment of the problem, its cause(s) and avenues of resolution. This is exactly what Treasury plus the Federal Reserve are there to do in times of national financial difficulty.

Many of the recommendations parallel those made by others, but the endorsement by top officials carries significant weight. They reflect a consensus of the Working Group, which includes the heads of the Federal Reserve Board, the Federal Reserve Bank of New York, the Securities and Exchange Commission and the Commodity Futures Trading Commission. Each agency has considerable sway over banks, investment houses and investors. Interestingly, most of the Working Group’s recommendations wouldn’t require legislation – except for an as-yet undetailed proposal for regulating mortgage brokers – but could be implemented by regulators or the industry.

It has been variously reported that the writedown of MBS unrecoverable debt is close to over. Market analysts believe that the total 1Q writedown by financial institutions may be done “en bloc” amounting to some $285 billion. This does not mean that the crisis is over, far from it. Foreclosures on failed mortgages will extract a terrible toll on the US consumer economy, not to mention those thousands of homeowners who will have lost (in most cases) their primary residence. However, bad medicine is best ingested immediately, and institutional exposure to prolonged quarter-on-quarter negative results can only worsen the emotional component of the markets, so in that regard total writedowns in a single quarter (or realistically two quarters) is a better overall option.

Consumer spending is bound to take a severe hit, and news of that inevitable slide will worsen public perception of the depth and longevity of the crisis. Whether or not the US formally falls into that state defined academically as a “recession” is still – even at this late stage – somewhat of a moot point. It matters, but perception matters even more in terms of investor confidence. Past bear markets have been triggered by events of far less significance than this one.

As always, matters continue to unfold. The definitive analysis on the crisis from beginning to end is far from being written.

  • Share/Bookmark

Be the first to comment

Why good news sometimes isn't

by dionysus on 2008/03/12

The Dow shot up 416 points yesterday, the biggest one day gain since July 2002 on news that the Federal Reserve announced a $200 billion injection of liquidity into the financial system. Hoping to ease the credit crisis, the Fed, acting with the European Central Bank, the Bank of Canada and the Swiss National Bank, agreed to loan investment banks money in exchange for debt, including slumping mortgage-backed securities.

Back in 2003, when the Federal Reserve cut interest rates to 1%, the world worried that the Fed was running out of ammunition and would soon have to turn to unconventional tools.

Now, in 2008, it’s worth asking if the Fed could run out of unconventional ammunition. Tuesday’s offer to lend $200 billion of its Treasury holdings to primary dealers in return for Mortgage Backed Securities (MBS) both guaranteed by the government sponsored enterprises – Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac- and non sponsored entities – private label MBS, means it will have eventually sold or pledged half of its Treasury’s, limiting how many more of these tricks it can pull off.

Since August the Fed has announced a series of steps designed to target those pockets of the financial markets facing the most stress rather than rely solely on the blunt instrument of lower short-term interest rates. These steps have primarily involved taking onto its balance sheet something a bit risky — a loan to a bank or a securities dealer, collateralized with paper ranging from corporate loans to private-label mortgage backed securities (i.e. MBS not backed by the federally sponsored agencies Fannie Mae or Freddie Mac).

Left alone, these operations would result in an increase in cash supplied to the banks, boosting excess reserves and pushing down the federal-funds rate. Since the Fed does not want that to happen, it “sterilizes” the operation by getting rid of an equivalent amount of something else on its balance sheet. That “something” is usually Treasury’s. Last December, it announced the creation of the term auction facility under which it auctions off loans to banks against a wide variety of collateral. To keep its balance sheet constant, it decided to let a roughly equivalent amount of its Treasury’s mature. Since then, its Treasury portfolio has fallen from $779 billion to $713 billion.

Last Friday, it announced two additional steps: It would expand the size of the Term Auction Facility loans to a total of $100 billion from $60 billion (and the original $40 billion) and lend up to $100 billion to primary dealers in lengthened, 28-day repo operations. To sterilize those operions the Fed will have to shed $100 billion in Treasury’s. Friday, it sold $10 billion of Treasury bills, its first outright sale since 1991. It will have to sell or redeem a lot more to keep its balance sheet from ballooning. One of the beauties of the securities lending facility is that it is self-sterilizing; The addition of MBS to its balance sheet is exactly offset by the loan of Treasury’s.

From the point of view of normalizing market conditions, it makes sense to replace Treasury’s with other stuff because the federal government is having no trouble borrowing right now. Quite the contrary: The flight to safety has driven Treasury yields to unnaturally low levels. In the securities-lending (or “repo”) market, someone with Treasury’s to offer as collateral can borrow at a rock-bottom interest rate. But it does raise the prospect that with a few more similar-sized steps, the Fed will have run out of Treasury’s to sell or pledge.

Investors reacted favorably across the board. Let’s have a look at the overall impact; The Standard & Poor’s 500 index rose 47.28, or 3.7 percent, to 1,320.65, while the Nasdaq composite index surged 86.42, or about 4 percent, to 2,255.76. It was the S&P’s biggest point gain since April 5, 2001, and the Nasdaq’s biggest since May 8, 2002.

The move by central bankers provides a direct lifeline to investment banks, which previously couldn’t borrow beyond already established Fed liquidity limits. The plan basically allows Wall Street’s biggest institutions to put up troubled assets as collateral for loans, use the new capital to make money in the market, and then pay back the loan up to 28 days later. Though eventually banks would be forced to take the troubled mortgage-backed debt back on their books, the plan still takes short-term pressure off them. Many of these banks will release first-quarter earnings reports next week.

Although this move on its own doesn’t influence any other areas in which financial institutions may be experiencing profitability issues, it does provide a hedge against multiple banks reporting balance sheet pressures resulting from the credit crisis. Such would cause its own additional stress in the markets, and exacerbate the existing sense of unease which has caused the Dow to lose more than 500 points in the past three sessions, and is still down about 2,000 points from its October 2007 record high. The markets are driven as much by emotion as by fact, and bad news of that magnitude would provide an immediate knock-on effect, destabilizing matters stull further.

So, the Fed has made a smart move, calmed troubled markets, restored institutional investor confidence, and perhaps narrowly avoided deepening an already severe crisis in the financial markets, which itself could precipitate a recession – right?

Smart? Yes, and also no.

Part of the problem lays in the fact that innovative and largely untested financial instruments routinely used in the markets today are far too complex, few people – regulators and investors alike – really understand these concepts, and misunderstood statements of risk exposure create ill judged investment decisions. Assumptions are made concerning liquidity and collateral value. In short, risk is not graded in a linear fashion, because there is little basis on which to value these investment vehicles.

It can be argued that there a case for the provision of additional liquidity against a wider range of collateral, and over longer periods, in order to reduce market interest rates at longer maturities. This is the most difficult issue facing the Federal Reserve, and in fact all central bankers at present, and requires a balancing act between two different considerations.

On the one hand, the provision of greater short-term liquidity against illiquid collateral might ease the process of taking the assets of investment vehicles (such as MBS) back onto bank balance sheets and so reduce term market interest rates.

On the other hand, the provision of such liquidity support undermines the efficient pricing of risk by providing insurance for risky behaviour. That encourages excessive risk-taking, and in itself, sows the seeds of a future financial crisis. Looked at from another perspective, such actions reward bad behavior.

So the Fed cannot sensibly entertain such operations merely to restore the status quo ante. Rather, there must be strong grounds for believing that the absence of insurance would lead to economic costs on a sufficient scale to ignore the moral hazard in the future. In this event, such operations ensure that the financial system continues to function effectively.

There are further questions thus far unanswered, and some of these are:

  • How will the Fed will value the MBS and other collateral offered by the banks?
  • Is regulation needed to police the lending practices which -in part – no doubt precipitated this crisis in the first place?
  • How can the financial system move towards realistic pricing of risk -which is another significant component of this crisis – in the future?
  • How can the financial system as a whole migrate towards greater transparency in off-balance sheet activities?

The key objectives of the Fed, and central bankers worldwide, is to maintain economic stability, ensure effective functioning of the financial system – which notably includes effective pricing of risk – and exert control over rates of inflation. Arguably, central banks worldwide have failed in several key elements. We have to hope that central bankers will be reading analyses of the current turmoil and applying the hard lessons necessary to prevent a recurrence of the behavior which sparked the current crisis.

Hard line monetarists and strict adherents of fiscal discipline will argue that central banks stepping into a crisis and injecting liquidity when conditions require it is akin to giving a junkie another bag of heroin, instead of getting the addict into a withdrawal program, and thus should be avoided at all costs. Sadly, while that path would seem an ideal long term cure for bad behavior on the part of major investment banks, it ignores the reality of industrial, social and political turmoil caused by what would amount to a deliberately created and unprecedentedly savage depression that would be global in scope and effect. No society and no institution, company or Government would escape unscathed. The 1930′s “Great Depression”would pale in comparison to the chaos which would be caused by such actions. It cannot be the goal of any doctor to kill the patient in an attempt to impose a severe treatment program for the disease. In this instance the analogy holds good in that; “the cure would be worse than the disease”.

Thus, concurrent actions must be implemented which contain the extent of the damage inflicted by the current crisis, while creating the conditions whereby a similar crisis cannot occur in the future. That’s a daunting task, but central bankers have intellectual resources, plus physical and human capital, all of which will be required in order to design sensible policies that address the root causes of the current crisis and redesign the banking structure to avoid similar events from derailing global financial markets in the future.

  • Share/Bookmark

Be the first to comment

Quote du jour

by dionysus on 2008/03/12

“Those who make peaceful revolution impossible, will make violent revolution inevitable.”

– John F. Kennedy

(and no dear readers, I haven’t lost my mind in quoting JFK)

  • Share/Bookmark

Be the first to comment

Contextual Intelligence

by dionysus on 2008/03/12

The crisis on September 11, 2001 produced an opportunity for President George W. Bush to express a bold new vision of foreign policy. But a successful vision is one that combines inspiration with feasibility. Clearly this president did not get that combination right. Among past presidents who have been able to combine inspiration and feasibility in an effective vision, Franklin Roosevelt was quite good, But Woodrow Wilson was not. David Gergen, has described the difference between the boldness of FDR and the boldness of George W. Bush:

“FDR was also much more of a public educator than Bush, talking people carefully through the challenges and choices the nation faced, cultivating public opinion, building up the sturdy foundation of support before he acted. As he showed during the lead-up to World War II, he would never charge as far in front of his followers as Bush.”

President Bush’s temperament has been less patient.
The next president is going to have to learn from these lessons of the past. In his new book, The Powers to Lead, scholar and former State Department official Joseph Nye argues that a key skill for the next president will be contextual intelligence. And this will be true for all the presidential contenders.

So what is “Contextual Intelligence”? It is the intuitive diagnostic skill that helps you align your tactics with your objectives so that you get smart strategies in different situations. What we need to look for in the candidates is an ability to understand the current context of American foreign policy and where we stand in the world.

A decade ago, the new conventional wisdom was that the world was a unipolar American hegemony. Neo-conservative pundits drew the conclusion that the United States was now so powerful it could do whatever it wanted and others had no choice but to follow. For example Charles Krauthammer, the columnist for The Washington Post and Time Magazine, wrote a column celebrating this view as “the new unilateralism.” That was a very strong, powerful theme of the first years of the Bush administration.

This new unilateralism was based on a profound misunderstanding of the nature of power in world politics. Power is the ability to get the outcomes you want. And whether certain resources will produce power or not depends upon the context. Contextual Intelligence means a president who understands the strength and limits of American power. The United States is the only superpower, but its preponderance is not empire, it can influence but not control other parts of the world. In fact, if you seek to understand power and its different contexts in the world today, consider the metaphor of a three dimensional chess game, in which you play on a top board, a middle board, and a bottom board, both horizontally and also vertically.

On the top board of military power among countries, the United States is the only superpower, and it’s unlikely that it will be replaced in that role, it can be argued, for at least a couple of decades, and that includes China or whoever else you want to nominate for that position. On the middle board of economic relations among countries, the world is already multipolar. We cannot get what we want in trade, antitrust, or other things without the European Union, China, Japan, and others cooperating with us. And on the bottom board of transnational relations, things that cross borders outside the control of governments, whether it be pandemics, climate change, drug trade, or transnational terrorism, this is a situation where power is chaotically distributed. Nobody is in charge; nobody has control.

To call that American empire or American unipolarity is nonsense. It’s taking a theme which fits the top board and applying it to the bottom board. And yet ironically, it’s that bottom board where some of our greatest threats now come from. After all, it was from the bottom board that we got 9/11. And in that sense, if you’re playing on a three dimensional chess board you have to realize that the instruments that you use have to be appropriate to the board you’re playing on. What we did nationally was focus so heavily on the top board and our preponderant military strength, that we thought that was going to solve things on the middle board and the bottom board where economic power and soft power are more important. Understanding the context of foreign policy – contextual intelligence in other words – requires a president to know when and what instruments to use, and in what context, so that we will understand the limits and sources of American strength. When the press quizzes the candidates in debates, they should do a better job of probing for evidence of that contextual intelligence.

  • Share/Bookmark

Be the first to comment

“Obama is the hope and future of the Democratic Party, not Hillary, and everyone knows it. He is the one bringing new energy and voters. He could be a Democratic Reagan, invigorating the party for 25 years. If the Clinton people kneecap Obama, it would be like killing Santa Claus on Christmas morning in front of the children. The children won’t forget or forgive.”

Alex Castellanos

And no, dear Readers, this was not an endorsement of Mr. Obama’s politics, policies, or polemics.

  • Share/Bookmark

Be the first to comment

I accidentally came across an article in the Times of London this morning from a perennially interesting columnist, Simon Jenkins, and sharing it with you all seemed to be an eminently sensible thing to do, because it is insightfully written, and free of the hysterics, condemnatory prose and America bashing so common in the European media. So, here it is in its original form, with kind thanks to the Times for the (fully attributed) reprint:

Americans elect two presidents: one for them and one for the world

Hello, this is democracy calling. Whatever you read in the coming months, the American primaries are not another transatlantic electoral fiasco. They are the opposite. They are a nation testing its potential leaders by openly arguing, wavering, splitting, befriending, feuding, cohering and ultimately validating. Would that other democracies did the same.

American foreign policy has endured its most terrible decade in postwar history, largely because Washington’s establishment lost the plot under a tidal wave of paranoia and self-regard. The more reason to champion what, every four years, is the best face that America presents to the world, its ever-refreshing way of changing its guard.

To ridicule American elections, or deplore them because they fail to yield a desired result, is the worst form of anti-Americanism because it is antidemocratic. If to lead is to set an example, American elections are leadership. Their essence is their unpredictability. A touch of anarchy is proof that they reflect the world’s most pluralist society. Nowhere does them better.

I once attended the Iowa caucuses, which this January attracted the usual bemusement on this side of the Atlantic. Groups of voters gathered in town halls, schools or each other’s private houses and solemnly debated whom they wanted as president.

They were visited by exhausted candidates or their aides. They were nudged, bounced, persuaded and corralled until they reached a decision. The process was remarkably free of acrimony and, as far as I could tell, of corruption. The quality of debate in this democratic ritual was high. It was like a meeting of early American Puritans.

These primaries are the nearest most voters come to influencing a presidential election, given that it is decided in just a few “swing” states. The candidates must perform before audiences across the nation, with sequential votes acting as a running temperature check on public opinion. The experience thus roughly approximates to the pressures and accidents of high office. It is trial by ordeal, as if the candidates were facing a grand jury for daring to commit larceny against the state, which in a sense they are.

The process is effective. On the Democratic side, two good candidates are rightly being forced to fight to a finish, the outcome as yet uncertain. Hillary Clinton’s smooth campaign was cruelly halted by Barack Obama’s astonishing February burst. Obama’s apparent rush to coronation was stalled by Clinton’s fightback in Ohio and Texas. The same process picked off John McCain’s Republican challengers, revealing the weaknesses of each under the glare of public inquisition.

This is not the politics of back rooms, lobbies and private interests. Primaries are not a byproduct of the wheeler-dealing of party clubs, as in Europe’s oligarchic democracies. This is extrovert politics at its most extreme.

Nor do the jibes made by Europeans apply, at least on this occasion.

Money is important in American politics but the survivors in the race so far, McCain, Obama and Clinton, are not personally rich. Their campaigns have been financed by prospect, not retrospect. Money is drawn to power, not power to money.

When so much about American democracy is murky, its signal qualities should be registered. The processes of its elections, warts and all, are what America should be trumpeting to the world, not its ideological sanctimony or its military firepower.

This is all the more true since today there is not one American president to be voted into office but two. One belongs to domestic America but the other belongs to the world.

The first president is America’s business. While those who know and love that country may be concerned at its economic and political health – and therefore intrigued by the contest – this president is the one most voters have in mind.

The globalised president is a different matter. This leader must represent America’s values – and consequent actions – everywhere that is touched by American policy. His or her decisions benefit or afflict millions of people, rich and poor, in dozens of countries on every continent. Yet they have no vote.

Iraqis, Afghans, Palestinians, Israelis, Pakistanis, Colombians, Brazilians, Russians, Chinese have no means of saying yes or no to decisions taken in Washington that may intimately affect their families, their security, their jobs and prospects. Nobody accounts to them or invites them to any caucus. Few of them enjoy democratic privileges even in their own countries. Yet the next president of the United States can mean life or death.

When I was in Pakistan recently, I asked a former army officer how he intended to vote in his forthcoming elections. He said he would vote for a religious party, an answer that surprised me. But it was, he said, the only way a Pakistani could vote against George Bush.

The man was expressing a now widespread aversion to America, especially in Europe and Asia. It is not usually an antagonism to Americans or to America’s democracy or culture. It is a response to aggressive policies with which many profoundly disagree yet over which they have no control, other than by punishing those they see as America’s collaborators.

I believe that this so-called “crisis of anti-Americanism” derives from nothing more complex than a bitter sense of disenfranchisement. For all the words spoken on globalization, few are expended on accountability.

The greatest irony of modern history is that this sense of personal disempowerment, which the whole American enterprise was founded to correct, should now be directed against America itself. The arrogance of George III has become the arrogance of George Bush.

All three presidential candidates have qualifications to be this global president. In public statements they have acknowledged the strategic mistakes made in America’s attempt to police the world through a “war on terror”. All have proposals for restoring America’s relations with the world.

Leadership cannot exist if others will not follow. America cannot regulate the world under Bush’s banner that “he who is not with us is against us”. It does not work.

The candidates for the global presidency will not be judged by experience, program, oratory or novelty. They will not be judged by the prospect of likely success in office, which is always unknowable in foreign affairs. Few American presidents are seen to have been successes on leaving office. The art of presidency is that of managing perceived failure.

The candidates will rather be judged by what they symbolize, by the package of expectations that they carry with them to the White House.

Here it is simply incontrovertible that the election of Barack Obama would transform, indeed electrify, America’s image worldwide. Monochrome would become color. A drone of antagonism would turn into a cry of pleasure. With the genes of an Irish-American and a Kenyan, and the nurture of Hawaii, Indonesia and Chicago, Obama has personal roots in four continents.

In choosing a president for a world half of which America seeks to evangelize, voters could hardly find a candidate better cast. He embodies a yearning expectation of a new contract and a new beginning.

Obama’s novelty remains a strength and a weakness but there is no excuse for regarding him as shallow. Not only is he a serving senator but his elegant early memoir, Dreams from my Father, and his more recent The Audacity of Hope reveal a remarkably thoughtful and complex man with a gift for language and an acute sense of the world about him.

These books display no anguish in Obama’s ambiguous identity, but an awareness of its richness. He offers the calmest discussion of the politics of race that I have read. He is conscious of the tension between America’s battered interventionism and John Quincy Adams’s warning not to go abroad “in search of monsters to destroy”, nor to become “the dictatress of the world”. The issues are not discussed in the manner of an ingénue.

Obama’s published prospectus must raise expectations, especially abroad, that no president could possibly meet, but it gives his candidature a substance that I had not expected from his platform performances. They offer not the remotest justification for Clinton implying that he is a security risk.

All this may cut no ice among the famously pragmatic American electorate. In election year, voters have domestic concerns and they see the outside world through the far end of the telescope. But they should bear in mind that they are electing not one president but two. When they go to the polls, they carry with them the eager proxies of half the world.

  • Share/Bookmark

Be the first to comment